Communist Party of India (Marxist) Programme

Communist Party of India (Marxist) Programme 

Introduction 1.1 The Communist Party inherited  the progressive, anti-imperialist and revolutionary traditions of the Indian people. Since its formation in 1920, by a small group of determined  anti-imperialist fighters inspired by the October Socialist Revolution  in Russia, the Party had set before itself the goal of fighting for complete independence and basic social transformation. The Party pledged to  work for the establishment of a socialist society in  India, free  from class exploitation and social oppression. 1.2 True to the cause of proletarian internationalism, the Party consistently supported the national liberation movements against the imperialist order and the struggles for democracy and socialism the world over, which were major features of the twentieth century. The Party adopted the principles of  Marxism-Leninism as  the guide to action for winning national independence, to attain the objective of socialism and to advance towards  the ultimate goal of communism. The Communists were the first in the country to raise the demand for complete independence and put forward a resolution for this in the Ahmedabad session of the Indian  National Congress in 1921. 1.3 The Communists, while demanding complete independence, also stressed the need for giving a radical content to the slogan of swaraj through a definite programme for  social and economic change by including such vital questions as abolition of landlordism, end to feudal domination  and elimination of caste oppression. 1.4 The Communists while participating in the freedom struggle, from the outset, devoted their energies to  the task of organising workers in trade unions, peasants in the Kisan Sabha, students in  their unions and other  sections in their respective mass organisations. It was due to these efforts that national organisations like the All India Kisan Sabha and the All India Students Federation were founded and the All India Trade Union Congress strengthened. The Communists took the initiative in founding progressive,  cultural and literary organisations like the Progressive Writers' Association and the Indian People's Theatre Association. 1.5 The British rulers were determined  to stamp out communism in India. They unleashed brutal repression on the fledgling Communist groups and banned communist literature to prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas.  They conducted a series  of conspiracy cases against the young leadership of the communist movement -- Peshawar (1922); Kanpur (1924) and Meerut (1929). The Party was declared illegal soon after its formation in the 1920s and had to work in conditions  of illegality for over two decades. Inspite of severe repression, the Party made  steady  progress in mobilising people  for complete independence and for fundamental social change. 1.6 The militant and consistent  anti-imperialist stand of the Communist Party attracted the various revolutionary currents and fighters to join the Party. Among  them were  the Ghadar heroes of Punjab, the colleagues of Bhagat Singh, the revolutionaries of Bengal, the militant working class fighters of  Bombay and Madras presidencies, and the radical anti-imperialist Congressmen from Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and other parts of the country. Thus the Party was enriched by the entry of the best fighters  from all over the country. The Communist Party while working in  close cooperation with the independence movement led by the  Indian National Congress and later the Congress Socialist Party, consistently worked for building and strengthening itself  as an independent party of the proletariat. 1.7 The post Second World War  period saw the  powerful antiimperialist and anti-feudal  upsurge  of the Indian people. The Communist Party was in the forefront leading this upsurge in various parts of the country. Such significant struggles were those of Tebhaga, Punnapra  Vayalar,  North Malabar, the Warli adivasis, Tripura tribal people and above all the historic  Telangana peasants' armed struggle. The Communist Party also played  a leading role in the people's movements for responsible government  in many princely states. The Party played an active role in organising and supporting the liberation struggles in the French and Portuguese enclaves of Pondicherry and Goa. The wave  of  struggles by  workers, peasants and students and the demand for release of INA prisoners saw a new peak  in the Naval Mutiny of 1946. In the international background of the defeat of fascism and the mounting tide of national liberation movements, faced with this popular upheaval, British  imperialism and the leaders of the major bourgeois parties -- the Congress and the Muslim League -- struck a compromise. As a result, the country  was partitioned andI ndia and Pakistan as independent states under the leadership of the bourgeois-landlord classes came into existence. The fact that the national movement was under the leadership of the bourgeoisie helped this compromise. Thus, the stage  of general  national  united front chiefly directed against foreign imperialist rule came to an end. 1.8 The Communist Party continued to  face repression even after the country achieved independence. The  fierce attacks by the Congress rulers between 1948 and 1952, particularly in Telangana, and the repeated bouts of repression, especially the period of semi-fascist terror in West Bengal, and later in  Tripura, and the murderous attacks against the Party cadres in Kerala and in different parts of the country could not  deter the Party from carrying forward the revolutionary movement. The Party was in the forefront of the  struggle  to defend the unity of the people when threats arose to national unity in  the form of disruptive separatist movements.  Hundreds  of courageous Party activists sacrificed their lives in the struggle against the separatist and divisive forces in Punjab, Tripura,  Assam, West Bengal and Kashmir. 1.9 The Communist movement has thus  played a progressive role in Indian politics since its inception. With its mass base, popular appeal and its alternative policies to the bourgeois-landlord regime,  the Communist movement is a significant force in  the country's political and social life. The first Communist  ministry in Kerala formed in 1957 and later the succession of CPI(M)  and Left-led governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura showed  the way by striving to implement pro-people policies. These governments implemented land reforms within the existing framework, decentralised powers and revitalised the panchayat system, ensured democratic rights for the working people and strengthened  the democratic forces in  the country struggling for alternative policies. In  the course  of arduous struggles, the Party  registered substantial  achievements. As a Party committed to self-critical analysis of its successes and failures, the Party consistently strives to learn from its mistakes and improve its capacity to apply Marxism-Leninism to the concrete conditions of our society. 1.10 The Communist Party of India (Marxist) was formed after a prolonged struggle against revisionism. It  adopted the  Party programme in 1964 and subsequently defended the strategy and tactics based on this understanding from both revisionism and dogmatism. The last decade of the twentieth century witnessed major reverses for the Soviet Union and other socialist countries and the world communist movement. This has  necessitated a reappraisal of the international developments and the experiences of the movement.

Major changes and developments have taken place in our country during the half-century after independence. The CPI(M) has reviewed these developments and experiences since 1964 to  update its programme. 1.11 The CPI(M) presents before  the Indian people the strategic objective to be achieved by the revolutionary forces in  the present stage of the revolutionary movement. The Party sets out a programme which will  guide the workers, peasants, all  sections of the working people and the progressive, democratic  forces in their fight against the ruling classes to achieve People's  Democracy as a step towards the goal of a  socialist society. II Socialism in the Contemporary World 2.1 The twentieth century was marked by momentous changes in  the world. It has been a century of  struggle against imperialism. The century was witness to great revolutionary events, beginning with the October Socialist Revolution of 1917.  The victory over  fascism  in the Second World War in which the Soviet Union played a decisive role, was a major event. The historic Chinese revolution, the success of the revolutionary forces  in Vietnam, Korea and Cuba and the formation of the socialist states in Eastern Europe were a product of the titanic clash between imperialism and socialism. This was also a century of national liberation movements leading to the political independence of the colonies. These victories marked  a new epoch in world history as was projected by the theory of Marxism-Leninism. The revolutionary events of the century and the major developments in science and technology opened up  grand prospects for the advance of humanity  on a scale never envisioned before. 2.2 The countries which adopted the socialist system blazed a new path. With the creation of the Soviet  Union, for the first time in  human history, the working people could  live in a society free from class exploitation. Rapid industrialisation,  elimination of feudal vestiges and all round progress in the fields of  economy, culture and science led to a new life  for the vast mass of the  people and the empowerment of the working people. The eradication  of poverty and illiteracy, the elimination of unemployment, the vast  network of social  security in the fields of health,  education,  housing  and  big  strides in  science  and technology -- these were the path-breaking achievements of the socialist countries. Such remarkable progress was registered in

societies where capitalism had not  yet developed significantly and were relatively backward. Socialism  had to be built in  the difficult circumstances of overcoming socio-economic backwardness and countering the aggression, subversion  and threats of imperialism. The achievements registered in the Soviet Union had their effect on the capitalist countries as well. The ruling classes were forced  to introduce and extend social security for their  own citizens under the  concept of a welfare State. 2.3 However, in the course of building socialism  on an uncharted  path, the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in Eastern Europe committed serious mistakes. Such mistakes flowed from the improper understanding of the protracted nature of building socialism; the wrong notion of the role of  the party and the State; the failure  to effect timely changes in the economy and its management; the failure to deepen socialist democracy in the party, State and society; the growth of bureaucratism; and the erosion of ideological consciousness. These facilitated the sustained efforts of imperialism at subverting socialism. These distortions do not negate the validity of MarxismLeninism, rather they represent the deviations from  revolutionary theory and practice. The dismantling of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries and the setbacks suffered in Eastern Europe resulted in a new situation. At the  end of  the 20th century the forces of socialism had to once again face the challenge posed by an emboldened imperialism. The CPI(M)  is confident that notwithstanding the setbacks, the communist movement and the revolutionary forces will learn from the mistakes, regroup and meet the  challenge of countering the offensive of imperialism and the reactionary forces. 2.4 Despite the twists and turns, successes and reverses,  the developments of the twentieth century, particularly since 1917 reflect the profound impact of socialism  and the  people's struggles in  the evolution of human progress. The revolutionary transformations have brought about qualitative leaps in history and left an indelible imprint on modern  civilisation. The process of  social emancipation and socialist transformation will be a protracted and complex one. History has shown that the transformation from capitalism to socialism is not a one-stroke  transformation but a prolonged period of intense struggle of classes even after acquiring State power. 2.5 World capitalism is incapable of solving the basic problems affecting humanity. The tremendous  growth of productive forces utilising the scientific and technological advances has resulted in growth taking place in the advanced capitalist countries without

increasing employment and sharply  accentuating income and wealth disparities. It has led to intensified exploitation of the workers  by expropriating increased rate of surplus value. The advances in science and technology are utilised to perpetuate concentration of wealth and assets in the hands  of a few individuals and multinational corporations. Imperialism has proved to be a predatory and destructive system.  In the twentieth century it plunged  humanity into two barbaric world wars claiming millions of lives. The armaments  industry  has become an  integral  part  of  the  advanced  capitalist economies, which serves to keep the aggregate demand afloat. The neo-liberal prescriptions advocating the withdrawal of the State have led to savage cuts in social security and welfare benefits for the working class and the ordinary citizens. Jobless growth, casualisation of labour, and growing disparities in incomes and wealth are a marked feature. The volatility of the financial system, the stagnant  and low rates of growth in the advanced capitalist  countries and  the  growing irrationality and wastage in the use of resources are  all symptoms of the in-built crisis in the capitalist system. The rapacious drive for profits by the multinational corporations and the extravagant consumption of the rich countries have devastated the environment  and is seriously threatening the world's ecology in general and that of  the third world in particular. The fundamental contradiction inherent  in capitalism between the evergrowing socialisation of production and the increasingly private appropriation of the surplus has become more acute. 2.6 The concentration and internationalisation of finance capital has reached unprecedented heights in the current phase  of capitalism. Globally mobile finance capital is assaulting the  sovereignty of nations, seeking unimpeded access to their economies in pursuit of super profits. The imperialist order in the  service of this speculative finance capital breaks down all barriers for  its  free  flow  and imposes the terms favourable  to such capital in every  part of the globe. The International Monetary Fund, the  World Bank and  the World Trade Organisation are the instruments to  perpetuate this unjust post-colonial global order. The new hegemony of speculative finance capital results in sluggish growth in the advanced capitalist countries. For the third world it spells a vicious cycle of intensified exploitation and growing debt. The terms of trade, industrial and agricultural  production, technology flows, and the services sector in the lesser-developed capitalist countries are all forced to dovetail the interests of  imperialist capital. The imperialist system has divided the world into  two: the rich advanced capitalist countries and the  developing countries where live the vast mass of humanity. The gap between the rich  and poor countries began to sharply widen in the last two decades of the twentieth century. With the onset of the imperialist driven globalisation it has grown further. 2.7 With the dismantling of the Soviet Union, imperialism which was pursuing a neo-colonial strategy since the end of the old style colonialism, has stepped up its efforts for global domination. US imperialism is using its economic, political and military power aggressively to establish its hegemony.  The imperialist  driven globalisation is sought  to be  buttressed by the expansion of NATO and military intervention around the world  to impose the imperialist order. The socialist countries China, Vietnam, Cuba, Korea and Laos, faced with adverse conditions created by  the change in  the correlation of forces  are steadfastly  committed to  the cause of socialism. Imperialism actively seeks to subvert the existing socialist countries and wages a relentless war in the ideological, economic and political spheres against them. Utilising the global communications revolution, imperialism with its control over the international media,  aggressively seeks to  discredit and suppress anti-capitalist ideas and socialism. 2.8 Despite the fact that the international correlation of forces favour imperialism at the end of the twentieth century and capitalism continues  to develop productive forces with the application of new scientific and technological advances, it remains a crisis-ridden system apart from being a system  of oppression, exploitation and injustice. The only system, which is an alternative to capitalism, is socialism. The central social  contradiction therefore remains that between imperialism and socialism for the epoch. The contradiction between the imperialist countries and the third  world countries rapidly intensifies under the  neo-liberal global offensive  and it is coming to the forefront. Given the  uneven development under  capitalism, the contradictions between imperialist countries continue to exist. The contradiction between labour and capital aggravates with the current features of capitalism as noted above. All these contradictions continue to intensify and exert their influence on world events. 2.9 The working class and its parties have to equip  themselves ideologically, politically and organisationally to wage a relentless struggle against imperialism and its exploitative order. The unity of the Left, democratic and progressive forces around the world must  be forged to fight against imperialism and defeat the ruling classes who seek to sustain and perpetuate the  present unjust global  order. As a Party based on proletarian internationalism, the CPI(M) is committed to fight against imperialist hegemony  and expresses solidarity with all the forces in the world who are fighting against the imperialist-driven economic order of globalisation and for peace, democracy and socialism. III Independence and After 3.1 The broad masses of the Indian  people had enthusiastically participated in the freedom struggle  and made it a success. They were fired by patriotism and they looked  forward to a free India and a new life for the people. They expected an end to the miserable conditions of poverty and exploitation. Independence for them meant land, food, fair wages, housing, education, health care and employment. Freedom meant emancipation from social  evils like casteism and communal hatred and the fulfillment of the cultural needs of the people in a democratic setting. 3.2 The national movement for independence succeeded because of the mass participation of the working  class, the peasantry, the middle classes, the intelligentsia, women,  students  and youth. But the leadership remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie. The big bourgeoisie which headed the new  State, refused to complete the basic tasks of the democratic revolution. The path to the  regeneration of Indian society lay in breaking the shackles on the  productive forces. Parasitic landlordism had to  be abolished and land distributed to the agricultural workers and poor peasants. The development of industry freed from the stifling domination of  foreign capital, would have laid the base for an advanced industrial  nation with a self-reliant economy. Afraid of the possible outcome that might follow a thorough going implementation of the tasks of the democratic revolution, the big bourgeoisie forged an alliance with the landlords and compromised with imperialism. The Congress rulers' policies reflected this bourgeoislandlord alliance. The nature of the capitalist path in the following decades was determined by this  character of the ruling classes. 3.3 India is endowed with enormous  natural resources necessary for the all-round development of  the country, with abundance of cultivable land, irrigation potential, favourable  conditions in various regions for a vast variety of crops, immense mineral wealth, as also vast potential for power generation. India's huge  manpower strength and  the scientific, technical, managerial and intellectual skills of the Indian people constitute  a reservoir of  great potentialities. Instead of developing these potentialities, the big bourgeoisie which acquired State power embarked upon a type of  capitalist development suited to serve its  own narrow interests. 3.4 After independence the dual  character of the bourgeoisie manifested itself through conflicts  and collusion with imperialism. The big bourgeoisie which acquired the  leadership of the State adopted a particular type of capitalist development. It compromised with imperialism and maintained its alliance with landlordism. It utilised its hold over the State to strengthen its position by attacking the people on the one hand and seeking to resolve the conflicts and contradictions with imperialism and landlordism by pressure, bargain and compromise  on  the  other.  In  this  process, it has forged  strong links with foreign monopolists and is sharing power with the landlords. With liberalisation, the big bourgeoisie is  the strongest advocate of opening up the economy to foreign capital and forging strong links with international finance capital; it is  the prime mover behind the  demand to privatise the public sector  and the economy as  a whole. 3.5 In the early years after independence, failing to get a fair deal from the Western countries, the Indian bourgeoisie turned to  the Soviet Union for assistance. They adopted a path of building capitalism which was State sponsored capitalism.  They began using the existence of the two blocs -- imperialist and socialist -- as a useful bargaining counter to strengthen their  position. Economic  planning was resorted to as a part of the capitalist path. The budgetary and general economic policies were determined primarily from the point of view  of favouring a narrow  stratum of the exploiting  classes.  The public sector was developed in heavy industries and infrastructure as the private sector was not in  a position to provide the required resources for such huge projects. The building of these public undertakings helped therefore to a certain extent to industrialise  the economy and to overcome the abject dependence  on the imperialist  monopolies. 3.6 Economic planning in an under-developed country like India backed by the State power in the hands of the bourgeoisie, certainly gave capitalist economic development a definite tempo and direction by facilitating more expedient utilisation of the resources available under the limitations of the policies  of the government. The most outstanding feature of these plans is  to be seen in the industrial expansion, particularly in the setting up  of certain heavy and machinebuilding industries  in the  State/public sector. These gains were possible because of the steady support from the socialist countries, mainly the Soviet Union. The State sector was expanded by the nationalisation of the financial sector like banks and insurance and  the oil and coal industries. 3.7 Certain other policy measures, though in a half-hearted manner, were also adopted for industrialisation. There was emphasis on research and development,  adoption  of a new Patents Act, regulation on entry of foreign products and capital in our market and protection to small-scale industries. In the conditions prevailing in India, all these measures helped  to overcome,  to a certain extent, economic backwardness and the abject dependence on the imperialist powers, and in laying the technical base for industrialisation. 3.8 Alongside the development of  the public sector and State intervention through limited planning, the  policies pursued  by successive governments saw the increasing concentration of wealth and the rapid growth of monopolies.  Under the leadership of the  big bourgeoisie, the State sector itself  became an instrument for building capitalism. The bulk of the credit from the public financial institutions was cornered by the big bourgeoisie. The budgetary and taxation policies of successive governments were designed to transfer resources  from the people to a narrow stratum of the bourgeoislandlord classes. The large-scale  evasion of taxes spawned  huge amounts of black money and was a  method to promote the private accumulation of capital. The common people, workers,  peasants and the middle  class were put to ruthless exploitation in the name of financing the plans for capitalist development. In the absence of basic land reforms the domestic market  remain limited and domestic industry could not grow and expand without reliance on foreign capital. The huge  external and internal borrowings financed this  form of State capitalism. The growth of monopolies and increasing penetration of foreign finance capital became  a marked feature of this path. 3.9 The specific path of capitalist development  adopted by the ruling classes from the fifties was bound  to  be crisis-ridden and reached  a stalemate. The big bourgeoisie’s compromise with landlordism led to the domestic market not being expanded as the purchasing power  of the peasantry could not grow sufficiently. Increasing reliance on borrowings, both external and internal, to finance industrialisation and the expenditure of the State led to a  serious crisis both in the external balance of payments and the fiscal deficits. The financial crisis finally led to the Congress government  accepting the IMF-World Bank conditionalities. The Indian big bourgeoisie sought to meet this  crisis

by increasing collaboration with foreign finance capital and opening up the economy. 3.10 The big bourgeoisie, which earlier favoured State intervention to build infrastructure for capitalist development  due  to its weak capital base, accumulated sufficient capital over the decades and fattened itself on State assisted development and subsidies. By mid-eighties the big bourgeoisie was prepared to enter the core sector reserved for the State, take over the public sector and expand to new areas in collaboration with foreign capital. This  accompanied by the crisis in the State sponsored capitalist path  formed the internal base for liberalisation. Externally, the  collapse of the Soviet Union hastened the process of shift in policies and the acceptance of the IMF and World Bank dictates. 3.11 The pressure to open  up and liberalise the economy brought about a shift in the  economic policies  from the mid- eighties during the Rajiv Gandhi regime. Import liberalisation and growing short-term borrowings led to huge fiscal deficits. This along with  the changed international scene led to a situation where the Congress government in 1991 accepted the IMF-World Bank  conditionalities for getting a structural adjustment loan. The policies of liberalisation were pushed further forward by the BJP when it  came to power. The liberalisation and structural adjustment policies  pursued by successive governments since 1991 have led to the opening up of the economy to foreign capital, the process of dismantling  the public sector and liberalisation of imports. The areas of operation so long reserved for the State/public sector have been opened up to foreign and Indian monopoly capital. With a view to  liquidating the public sector, the shares of public sector units are  disinvested and sold out cheaply  to private monopolies. Through reduction of import duties, indigenous products are displaced by foreign goods resulting in large-scale closures and throwing out  tens of  thousands of workers from  their jobs. International finance capital  has exerted relentless pressure for opening  up the financial sector.  The privatisation process in the banking industry and the opening up  of the insurance sector have been given priority. The signing of  the GATT agreement in 1994 led to India having to accept the WTO regime. Changes in the Patents Act and the opening up of the services sector, serve  the interests of imperialist capital. All these developments have led to the erosion of economic sovereignty. 3.12 The path of liberalisation and privatisation has enormously benefited the big bourgeoisie. Its  ranks have been expanded by the entry of new business houses. The  assets of the top 22 monopoly houses shot up from Rs. 312.63  crores in 1957 to Rs. 1,58,004.72 crores in 1997 which is a five  hundred-fold increase. Under liberalisation, major concessions have  been given to the  big business houses and the affluent sections by the reduction in the rates of income tax and the  abolition of other taxes such as wealth tax. Such policies have enormously enriched the affluent classes and expanded the market for luxury goods for their consumption.  To meet this demand, goods are produced domestically in collaboration with foreign capital, or, are imported. The indiscriminate entry of foreign capital is affecting vital sectors of domestic  industry. Multinational companies are buying up Indian companies. Even though some sections of the non-big bourgeoisie appear willing to  collaborate with foreign capital, large sections of the medium and  small capitalists are badly hit by liberalisation. 3.13 The period of liberalisation has seen an increase of both external and internal debt. A major share of  revenue expenditure is spent for making interest payments alone.  Public investment and expenditure have been going down which have  affected developmental activities and poverty alleviation schemes. Liberalisation has seen a sharp growth in social, economic and regional inequalities. Those below the poverty line even according to official statistics have registered an increase, especially in the rural areas.  The continuing rise in the prices of essential commodities, particularly food items, has hit the poor the hardest especially in the background  of the curtailment of the public distribution  system. The cutbacks in social sector expenditure in education, health, employment and  welfare schemes have a disastrous effect on the working people. 3.14 The working class has borne  the brunt of the heavy burdens imposed by the capitalists and the  government. The real wages of the workers  do not rise because of the ever-increasing prices. With the crisis in the industrial sphere becoming endemic, the workers face  the onslaught of closures and retrenchment. The labour laws supposed to safeguard the rights of the workers are defective and even these are not enforced; violation of laws by the employers is the norm. The recognition of trade unions by secret  ballot and the right of collective bargaining are denied. The offensive  of liberalisation and privatisation has rendered lakhs of workers jobless without any social security to fall back upon. The deregulation of  the labour  market is demanded as part of the policy of liberalisation. Benefits and rights earned by workers through  prolonged struggles  are sought  to be curtailed. Permanent jobs are being converted to contract or casual jobs.

Working women get less wages and are the first to be  retrenched. Child labour has increased and working children are subjected to the worst forms of exploitation. Outside the organised sector millions of workers get no protection from the  labour laws and are deprived of even the  minimum wages  set by the government. The plight  of the labouring  men and  women in  the huge unorganised sector is one of drudgery.  They work for a pittance for long hours, often in hazardous conditions with no  social security.  It is the unremitting labour and the exploitation of the working class which has provided the profits for the bourgeoisie, the big contractors and the multinational corporations. 3.15 The agrarian question continues to be the foremost national question before  the people of  India. Its resolution requires revolutionary change, including radical and thoroughgoing agrarian reforms that target abolition of  landlordism, moneylender-merchant exploitation and caste and gender  oppression in the countryside. The bankruptcy  of the bourgeois-landlord  rule in India is nowhere more evident than in its  failure to  address, much less solve, the agrarian question in  a progressive, democratic way. 3.16 After independence, instead of  abolishing landlordism, the Congress rulers adopted agrarian policies to transform the semi-feudal landlords into capitalist landlords and develop a stratum of  rich peasants. The legislative measures  for abolishing the old statutory landlordism permitted them to get  huge compensation and retain big amounts of land. Implementation of  tenancy laws, which provided for the right of resumption of land under the pretext of self-cultivation led to the eviction of millions  of tenants. Land ceiling laws provided sufficient loopholes to maintain large  holdings intact. Millions of acres of surplus land were neither taken  over, nor distributed to the agricultural workers and poor peasants. The record of  the Congress party is one of monumental betrayal  of the historic opportunity for rural transformation. Land reforms under the existing laws have been implemented only in  West  Bengal, Kerala and Tripura by the Left-led governments headed  by the CPI(M). 3.17 The agrarian policies of the Congress governments and their successors were designed to benefit  the landlords and rich peasants in the allocation of funds for investment and government  loans. Bank and cooperative credits were cornered  by these sections. From the late sixties, the application of technology, introduction of high-yielding seeds in new varieties of wheat and  rice and chemical inputs enhanced the productivity of foodgrains and other non-food crops. This growth in agriculture was accompanied by widening inequalities. Though India

produced more foodgrains and  was capable of achieving selfsufficiency in food, millions  remained  deprived of sufficient food and prey to hunger and malnutrition. 3.18 In agrarian relations, the major trend has been the development of capitalist relations in the countryside which is characterised by: The proletarianisation of large sections  of the rural working masses and a huge increase in the number of agricultural workers as a proportion of the rural population; the  accelerated  differentiation of the peasantry; production for the market; the large-scale eviction of tenants holding traditional leases; and increased levels of re-investment of capital in agriculture and agriculture-related activity by the rural rich, particularly landlords, laying the basis for the reproduction of capital on a scale that did not hitherto exist. 3.19 If the development of capitalist relations in agriculture is clearly the major all India  trend, it is equally evident that agrarian relations are marked by greater regional and sub-regional diversity and by unevenness in the  development of capitalist relations of production and exchange. There are regions of  the country where capitalism in agriculture has advanced and where commercial agriculture and cash transactions dominate the rural economy; there are regions where old forms of landlordism and tenancy and archaic forms of labour service, servitude and bondage still play an important part in agrarian relations. And all over the country,  caste divisions, caste oppression, the worst  forms of gender oppression  and the  exploitation of the poor by usurers and merchant  capital  continue unabated. Capitalist development in Indian agriculture is not  based on a resolute destruction of older forms, but has  been superimposed on a swamp of pre-capitalist production relations and forms of social organisation. The development of the "modern" does not preclude the continued existence of the archaic: India is a  vast and living example of the rule that capitalism penetrates agriculture  and rural society in a myriad ways. 3.20 Five decades after independence, owing to the bourgeois-landlord agrarian policies, 70 per cent of  the peasantry comprises poor peasants and agricultural workers whose lack of productive  assets, low incomes and wretched conditions of  life characterise mass poverty. The monumental scale of rural poverty in India has no parallel among the nations of the world. Even according to official data, more than 285 million people in rural India were  below the  poverty line fifty years after independence. Poverty,  however,  has many dimensions. It is not confined to income destitution. For  the masses it manifests itself in a multitude of ways.  The rural poor have  little or no access to land and other means of production. Concentration of land and inequality in ownership continues without major change. This is accompanied by a similar concentration of irrigation  water resources largely in the hands of the rural rich. The peasantry and agricultural workers have  no access to credit at reasonable rates and they  are deep in debt at usurious rates of interest. Low wages and wage  discrimination against women is a prominent feature. The average number of days of employment available to agricultural  workers is  less than 180 days a year.  More  than  50  per  cent  of  the  rural population is undernourished, the rates of rural literacy are abysmally low and the rural poor live in unhygienic  conditions in poor housing with no drinking water and health facilities. 3.21 Most of the rural areas have seen  the rise of a powerful nexus of landlords-rich peasants-contractors-big traders who constitute the rural rich. They dominate the panchayati raj institutions, co-operative societies, rural banks and credit agencies except in the Left-dominated states, and control the rural leadership of the bourgeois-landlord parties. The surplus extracted by  these sections are ploughed into money-lending,  speculative activities, real estate development and also to establish agro-based industries. The dominant class in the rural areas utilise caste affiliations to mobilise support and resort to violence to terrorise  the rural poor into submission. Even after 50 years of the promulgation of the Constitution, no government has adopted a central legislation to guarantee  minimum wages and improved living conditions and social security for  the agricultural workers, due to the opposition of the landlords. 3.22 With rapid commercialisation  of the rural economy, the market for foodgrains and agricultural  commodities has grown enormously. The grip of the monopoly trading concerns over agricultural produce has tightened. With  liberalisation, the MNCs which operate in the world market with advanced technologies at their command have a greater and direct control over the prices  of agricultural commodities. The intensification of the exploitation of peasants through unequal exchange and violent fluctuations  of prices has become a permanent feature. As a result, the peasant  is fleeced both as  a seller of agricultural produce and as a  buyer of industrial inputs. 3.23 The liberalisation policies which followed the exhaustion of the State-sponsored capitalist development have led to the agricultural and rural  development policies taking a dangerous and reactionary turn in the last decade of the twentieth century. These policies include decline in public investment in agriculture, in  irrigation and other infrastructural work; credit from the formal sector has also sharply declined which hits the poor rural households the most. Schemes for rural employment and poverty alleviation have been cut back. The policy thrust towards export-oriented agriculture has led to changing land use and cropping patterns to  meet the demands of the imperialist countries. De-emphasising foodgrain production and undermining India's self-sufficiency in food production is a direct threat to sovereignty. Under the WTO regime, all quantitative restrictions on the imports of agricultural commodities have been removed which seriously affects the livelihood of farmers. Pressure is being mounted for the dilution of land ceiling laws  by the states and for leasing out lands to Indian big business and foreign agri-business. MNCs  are entering the sphere of agricultural  production in  the seeds, dairy and other sectors. Under pressure from  the WTO and the MNCs, policies, which surrender India's independence  in respect of its biological resources and relinquish  the rights of farmers and genuine  plant breeders, are being pursued. The State sponsored agricultural research and extension systems are being weakened. 3.24 The development of capitalism in agriculture under State sponsorship has led to a  sharp division between the rural rich comprising the landlords, capitalist  farmers, rich peasants and their allies and the mass of the peasantry  mainly agricultural workers, poor peasants and the artisans. The subsequent policies of liberalisation in agriculture have further increased the burden on the rural poor. It is this exploitative order which is responsible for mass poverty. Without breaking the land monopoly and ending the debt burden of the poor peasants and agricultural workers, the basis for the economic and social transformation of the country cannot be laid. 3.25 The imperialist driven globalisation and the policies of liberalisation adopted by the Indian ruling classes have heightened  the imperialist penetration in all spheres  of our country. The opening up of the economy to the multinational corporations and imperialist finance capital has been the basis for the  penetration and influencing of  all spheres of Indian society. The bureaucracy, the educational system, the media and the  cultural spheres  are being subjected to imperialist penetration. 3.26 With the changed correlation of forces in the world as a result of the setback to socialism, the growth of fundamentalist, reactionary and ethnic based chauvinism  has  its  impact  on India too. Imperialism seeks to  exploit the growth of such  forces for weakening the unity of

the country so that its hold  and influence can be strengthened. The growth of a powerful international media controlled by transnational corporations enables imperialism to directly intervene and influence social and cultural life. The purveying of consumerist,  egoist and decadent values through the transnational media has a direct impact on our society. The media in  India controlled by the big bourgeoisie and other  commercial interests systematically spread the same values. The development of healthy, democratic and secular values requires the combatting of such retrogressive trends. 3.27 The Constitution of the Republic of India which was adopted in 1950 had laid down a set of directive  principles to be followed by the State. These include: adequate means of livelihood for every citizen and the right  to work; an economic  system which does not result in the concentration of  wealth;  right  to education and  provision of free and compulsory education for children; living wage for workers  and equal pay for equal work for men and  women. None of these principles have been realised in practice. The glaring gap between the Constitutional precepts and the practice of the bourgeois rulers is a scathing indictment of the bourgeois-landlord system instituted after independence. IV Foreign Policy 4.1 The foreign policy of any State  and its  government, in the final analysis, is nothing but the projection of its internal policy and it reflects, in the main, the interests of  the class or classes that head the government and the State  in question. The  foreign policy of the Government of India naturally reflects the dual character of our bourgeoisie, of opposition to as  well as  compromise and collaboration with imperialism. An overview of  the evolution of foreign policy over the last five decades exhibits  this duality. In the initial phase upto  the mid-fifties,  the Indian government  followed a timid policy of appeasing Britain and the other imperialist powers. However, from the mid-fifties, a new orientation began. In a world which was sharply divided between the imperialist and socialist  blocs, the possibilities of steering clear from joining the imperialist alliance opened up. The foreign policy changed in favour of non-alignment, against military blocs and for peace and support  for the national liberation struggles of the colonial peoples. 4.2 This policy resulted in friendly  relations with the Soviet Union and the socialist countries. However, the  border conflict with China in 1962 saw a phase of collaboration with the US and the western powers when India sought their military assistance. After this period, foreign policy once again assumed an anti-imperialist orientation. The support to the liberation struggle in Bangladesh in 1971 and the treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union marked a new stage. India played an active role in the international arena in the seventies in support of the national liberation movements and for world peace. 4.3 In the context of external policy, the contradictions between the Indian bourgeoisie and imperialism  manifested on the Kashmir issue and the  US strategic design to use Pakistan as a  base for its operations. As a leading  country among  the newly independent nations, the Indian bourgeoisie pioneered the policy of non-alignment, which by and large served the country's interests well. However,  given the class character of the ruling classes, this policy was subject to vacillations. Contradictions between  the domestic policies favouring foreign capital and an independent  foreign policy were ever-present. 4.4 With the disintegration of the  Soviet Union and the adoption of economic policies of liberalisation  domestically, foreign policy in the last decade of the 20th century entered a new phase. The process of reversing the long held position of  non-alignment and anti-imperialist foreign policy was  begun during the Narasimha Rao government. The turn away  from self-reliance and  recourse to foreign capital and liberalisation helped  imperialism to  further pressurise India which was manifested in several foreign policy  positions. In the  nineties, the Indian government signed a military  cooperation pact with the USA for military training and joint exercises. With the BJP-led government coming to  power in 1998, the pro-imperialist trend has got strengthened. The  BJP regime has brought about a major shift by advocating a policy of becoming a junior partner of the United States. It has abandoned many of the long-held non-aligned positions in order to accommodate the global designs  of the US. The danger to foreign policy is real as the United States  has long term  plans to  draw India into a strategic alliance to subserve its global designs against China and Russia. A consistent foreign  policy based on non-alignment and anti-imperialism which would serve the real interests of the Indian people, cannot be  guaranteed with  the big bourgeoisie leading the State and pursuing pro-imperialist economic policies.

4.5 The decision of the BJP-led government  to go in for nuclear weaponisation after the tests in Pokhran in May, 1998 marked a dangerous new phase in India's external and nuclear policies. It has created the situation for a nuclear arms race in the sub-continent with Pakistan responding to India's nuclear tests.  The jingoistic nuclear policy has undermined the long-standing policy  of non-alignment and peace. It has made India more vulnerable to imperialist pressures headed by US imperialism. 4.6 A major struggle lies ahead for the Left and democratic forces to fight back  the pro-imperialist direction in foreign policy and ensure that foreign policy regains its non-aligned basis and orientation to ward off imperialist pressures. Only  such a policy will help India to retain its  independent role in world affairs and protect economic independence. V State Structure and Democracy 5.1 The present Indian State is the organ of the class rule of the bourgeoisie and landlords led by the big bourgeoisie, who are increasingly collaborating with foreign finance capital in pursuit of the capitalist  path of development.  This class character essentially determines  the role and function of  State in the life of the country. 5.2 Although the State structure is  federal in name, most  powers and resources are concentrated in the  hands of the Central  government. Though the big bourgeoisie initially  resisted the demand for formation of states on the basis of commonality of language,  the intense pressure of mass movements and agitations compelled it to agree to the formation of linguistic states. A  fresh attack on the principle of linguistic  states was mounted by  the BJP-led government, which advocates smaller states based on administrative convenience. This will further weaken the federal structure. The  repeated use by  the Centre of the inherently anti-democratic provisions of Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss elected state governments and dissolve the elected state assemblies has been a  major instrument for subverting the federal system  and attacking the autonomy of states. The constituent states enjoy little power, which makes them dependent on the Central government, restricting their development.

5.3 It is natural that in such  a situation, the  contradictions between the central government and the states have grown. Underlying these contradictions often lies the deeper contradiction between the  big bourgeoisie on the one hand and the  majority of the people including the bourgeoisie and landlords of this  or that state on the other. This contradiction gets constantly  aggravated due  to the accentuation of uneven economic development under capitalism. A political manifestation of this is the emergence of regional political parties, which reflect the linguistic-nationality sentiments of the people of these states and generally represent  the bourgeois-landlord classes of the region. 5.4 The problems of national unity  have been aggravated due to the bourgeois-landlord policies pursued  after independence. The north eastern region of the country which  is home to a large number of minority nationalities and ethnic groups has suffered the most from the uneven development and regional  imbalances  fostered  by capitalist development. This has provided fertile ground for the growth of extremist elements who advocate  separatism and are utilised by imperialist agencies. The violent activities of the extremists and the ethnic strife hamper developmental work and democratic  activities. 5.5 Jammu and Kashmir was provided with a special status and autonomy under article 370 of the constitution. Over the decades the provisions for autonomy were drastically curtailed and the  alienation of the people in the state grew. This has  been utilised by the separatist forces who are backed by Pakistan. Imperialism headed  by the USA, uses this dispute to pressurise India  and increase its intervention in the region. The problems of the North eastern region as also Kashmir, exemplify the failure of the bourgeois-landlord classes to address the vital issue of national unity in a democratic manner. 5.6 The Adivasi and tribal people who constitute seven crores of the population, are victims of brutal capitalist and semi-feudal  exploitation. Their lands are alienated from them, the right to forests denied and they are a source of cheap and bonded labour  for the contractors and landlords. In some  states there are compact areas inhabited by tribal people who have their own distinct  languages and culture. The tribal people have been roused to new consciousness to defend their rights for advancement while preserving their identity and culture. Due to the threat to their identity and very existence and the callous policies of the bourgeois-landlord rulers, separatist tendencies  have grown among some sections of the tribal  people. Regional autonomy for protecting their rights in the areas which are contiguous and where

they are in  a majority is a democratic and just demand. The capitalistlandlord-contractor nexus constantly  seeks to disrupt their traditional solidarity with some concessions to  their leadership, denies their legitimate  rights and suppresses them with brutal force. 5.7 The secular principle is enshrined in the Constitution and the values of secular democracy are  proclaimed by the big bourgeois leadership of the State. However,  the practice of secularism by the bourgeoisie has been flawed. They try to distort the whole concept of secularism. They  would have the  people believe that instead of complete separation of religion and politics, secularism means freedom for all religious faiths to equally interfere in the affairs of the State  and political life. Instead of firmly combating the anti-secular  trends, the bourgeoisie often gives concessions  and strengthens them. The threat to the secular foundations has become  menacing with the rise of the communal and fascistic RSS-led combine and its assuming power at the Centre. Systematic efforts are  on to communalise the institutions of the State, the  administration, the educational system and the media. The growth of majority communalism will strengthen the forces of minority communalism and endanger  national unity. The support of sections of the big bourgeoisie for the BJP and its communal platform is fraught with serious consequences  for democracy and secularism in the country. 5.8 Our Party is, therefore,  committed to wage an uncompromising struggle for the consistent implementation of the principles  of secularism. Even the slightest departure from that principle should be exposed and fought. While  defending the right of every religious community  -- whether it is the majority  or  the  minorities  -- as  well  as those who have no  faith in any religion to believe in and practice any religion or none at all, the  Party  should fight against all forms of intrusion of religion in the economic,  political and administrative life of the nation  and uphold secular and  democratic values in culture, education and society. The danger  of fascist trends gaining ground, based on religious communalism must  be firmly fought at all levels. 5.9 In conditions  of capitalist exploitation the guaranteed rights to the minorities provided in the Constitution are also not implemented. There is the lack of equal opportunities  and discrimination against  the Muslim minorities both in the  economic and social sphere. Communal riots and violent attacks against the Muslims have become a permanent feature. The RSS and its outfits constantly instigate hatred against the minorities and they target the Christian community also. This fosters alienation and insecurity among the minorities, which breeds fundamentalist trends and  weakens the secular foundations. Minority communalism isolates the minorities and hampers  the common movement of all oppressed sections. Defence of minority rights is a crucial aspect of the struggle to strengthen democracy and secularism. 5.10 The bourgeois-landlord system  has also failed to put an  end to caste oppression. The worst sufferers are the scheduled castes. The dalits are subject to untouchability  and other forms of discrimination despite these being declared unlawful. The growing consciousness among the dalits for emancipation is sought to be met with brutal oppression and atrocities. The assertion by the dalits has a democratic content reflecting the aspirations of  the most oppressed sections of society. The backward castes have  also asserted their rights in a caste-ridden society. 5.11 At the same time a purely caste appeal which seeks to perpetuate caste divisions for the narrow aim  of consolidating vote banks and detaching these downtrodden sections from the common democratic movement has also been at work. Many caste leaders and certain leaders of bourgeois political parties  seek to utilise the polarisation on caste lines for narrow electoral gains and are hostile to building up the common movement of the oppressed  sections of all castes. They ignore the basic class issues of  land, wages and fight against landlordism, which is the basis for  overthrowing the old social order. 5.12 The problem of caste  oppression and discrimination has a long history and is deeply rooted in the pre-capitalist social system. The society under capitalist development has compromised with the existing caste system. The Indian  bourgeoisie itself fosters caste prejudices. Working  class unity presupposes unity against the caste system and the oppression of dalits,  since the vast majority of the dalit population  are part of the labouring  classes. To fight for the abolition of the caste system  and all forms of  social oppression through a social reform movement is an important part of  the democratic revolution. The fight against caste oppression  is interlinked with the struggle against class exploitation. 5.13 With India's independence the women of India, equal  participants in the freedom struggle, had hoped for emancipation from the shackles of centuries old feudal and gender oppression. But leave alone advance, five decades of bourgeois-landlord rule have perpetuated patriarchy in every sphere. Women are exploited at different levels, as women, as workers and as citizens. The process of liberalisation has brought in  its wake  newer forms of  gender exploitation, in both  the economic and social spheres, leading to increased violence against women. Economic independence and an  independent role in social and political life are basic conditions for the advance of women. Resistance against this unequal status and  the women's movement for equality are part of the movement for social emancipation. 5.14 Fifty years of bourgeois-landlord rule have corroded all the institutions of State power. The administrative system being based on a highly centralised bureaucracy reflecting the growth of capitalist development, power is concentrated  at the top and exercised through privileged bureaucrats who are divorced from  the masses and who obediently serve the interests of the exploiting classes. The enormous growth of the bureaucracy, its strong links with the ruling classes and the rampant corruption of the bureaucracy are factors weakening the democratic structure of society. 5.15 The judiciary is weighted against the workers, peasants and other sections of the working people. Though formally, both the rich and the poor are equal in principle, the system  of justice in essence, serves the interests of the exploiting classes  and upholds their class rule. Even the bourgeois democratic principle of  separation of judiciary from the executive is not fully adhered to and the judiciary is subjected to the influence  and  control of the latter.  Instances of judgements, which uphold democratic principles and fundamental rights  under the Constitution, are subverted by the  ruling classes. In the absence of any effective mechanism to ensure accountability of the judges, certain corrupt practices are also  reported within sections of the judiciary which undermine the faith of the people. 5.16 The structure of the armed forces in independent India still bears the traces of the colonial legacy. While it is expected to defend the borders of the country, the ruling classes tend to rely  more and more on the armed forces and the para-military forces when its class interests come into open conflict with  the interests  of the exploited masses. The soldiers in the armed  forces hail from the peasantry and the working people  and they have to perform arduous duties. The ruling classes keep the rank and file  of these forces insulated from the people and deprived  of democratic  rights. The police forces are used as instruments of repression against  popular movements. They have become prey to political manipulation and corruption and in many places are part of the exploitative mechanism against the poor.

5.17 The bourgeoisie and its landlord  allies are a small minority in the whole country compared to the working class, the peasantry and the middle  classes,  over  whom  they  rule  and  whom  they  exploit  by  virtue of their ownership of land, capital and all means of production. Capitalist State power and its governments even when elected by a majority vote in the parliamentary  system of democracy, represent in their political and economic essence the power of the minority. 5.18 The Constitution of the Republic of India provides for a parliament elected on the basis of adult franchise and confers certain fundamental rights on the people. Many  of these rights are misinterpreted, distorted and even violated by the authorities of  the State. When it comes to the struggle of the workers,  peasants and other sections of the democratic  masses, the fundamental rights virtually cease to apply for them. Freedom of assembly is denied to whole areas and regions embracing lakhs of people by putting them under prohibitory orders even  for months and years. The violence of the State organs becomes practically savage  against the workers, peasants and other  democratic masses,  when  they  act  in  defence  of their political and economic rights  and demands.  Draconian legislations providing for detention without trial have become quite common. Similarly, the provisions of national emergency provided for in the Constitution are misused and ordinances promulgated to suppress democratic struggles. The internal Emergency declared in 1975 was the most severe  threat to democracy. 5.19 Under pressure of the  democratic movement, the government was forced  to legislate steps for decentralisation of administration to the panchayats and local bodies. The Left-led governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura took  important steps  to ensure decentralisation of powers and devolution of powers to the three-tier panchayat system. But except in the Left-led states, panchayati raj institutions are being used not to  expand democracy but to perpetuate the power of landlords, moneylenders and contractors in the countryside. 5.20 The cultural development of the Indian people  has been stunted by decades of bourgeois-landlord rule. Pernicious customs and values are perpetuated in the name of tradition and religion, which are degrading to women and the oppressed castes. What is progressive and healthy in the cultural heritage  is sought to  be denigrated by the communal ideologies. The bourgeois culture retains much of the obscurantist and casteist values. The State displays a  callous disregard even for literacy, leave alone providing for the cultural well being of the people. Freedom of press, assembly and propaganda, is made full use of by exploiting classes and by  imperialist agencies who dominate the print and electronic media, the  radio and television networks. The working people cannot compete with their vast resources and are thus disabled in the exercise of these  rights formally given to everyone. 5.21 The degeneration in the instruments of the bourgeois-landlord State has  taken place in the background of the enormous growth of black money which has pervaded society and the phenomenal growth of corruption. The liberalisation process increased large-scale corruption at the highest levels.  Holders of public office, top bureaucrats and bourgeois politicians  are part of a corrupt nexus which subverts the law and facilitates loot  of public funds. This makes a mockery of democracy and the rights  of citizens. The enormous growth of money power in elections, the criminalisation of politics, rigging and capture of booths constitute  a serious threat to the parliamentary democratic system. 5.22 However, universal adult franchise and parliament and state legislatures can serve as instruments  of the people in their struggle for democracy, for defence of their interests. When there have been attacks on parliamentary democracy,  such as the internal emergency, the people  have opposed such authoritarian measures. Although a form of class rule of the bourgeoisie, India's present parliamentary system also embodies an advance  for the people. It affords certain opportunities for them to defend their interests, intervene in the affairs of the State to a certain extent and mobilise them to carry forward the struggle for democracy and social progress. 5.23 The threat to the parliamentary system and to democracy comes not from  the working people and the parties which represent their interests. The threat comes from the  exploiting classes. It is they who undermine the parliamentary system both from within  and without  by making it  an instrument to  defend  their narrow interests. When the people begin to use parliamentary institutions for advancing  their cause and then  move away from the  influence  of the big bourgeoisie and landlords, these classes do not  hesitate to trample underfoot parliamentary democracy as has been done many times in  the dismissal of elected state governments by the Centre. The semi-fascist terror in  West Bengal and Tripura and the naked violation of all constitutional provisions in these states provide vivid examples of the vicious extent to which the ruling classes can go. The talk  of adopting a Presidential form of government and truncating parliamentary democracy are authoritarian symptoms which have grown with  the regime of liberalisation and the increasing pressure of international finance capital. It is of utmost importance that parliamentary and democratic institutions are defended  in the interests of the people against such threats and that such institutions are skillfully utilised in combination with extra parliamentary activities. VI People's Democracy and its Programme 6.1 Experience shows that there is no  hope of emancipation of the people from backwardness, poverty,  hunger, unemployment and exploitation under  the present bourgeois-landlord rule. The  big bourgeoisie since independence has been continuously in  State power and has been utilising that State power to strengthen its class position at the expense of the mass of the people on the one hand and compromising and bargaining  with  imperialism and landlordism on the other. Unlike in the advanced capitalist countries where capitalism grew on the ashes  of pre-capitalist society, which was destroyed  by the rising bourgeoisie, capitalism  in India was  super-imposed on precapitalist society. Neither the British  colonialists during their rule nor the Indian  bourgeoisie assuming power after independence attempted to smash it, which was one of the most important preconditions for the free development of  capitalism. The present Indian society, therefore, is a peculiar combination of monopoly  capitalist domination with caste, communal and tribal institutions. It has thus fallen on the working class and its party to unite all the  progressive forces  interested in destroying the  pre-capitalist society and to consolidate the revolutionary forces within it so as  to facilitate the completion of the democratic revolution and prepare  the ground for the transition to socialism. 6.2 The Communist Party of India (Marxist) firmly adheres to its aim of building socialism and communism. This, it is evident, cannot be achieved under the present State and bourgeois-landlord government led by the big bourgeoisie. The establishment  of a genuine socialist society is only possible under  proletarian statehood. While adhering to the aim of building socialism in our country, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), taking into consideration the degree of economic development, the political ideological maturity of the working class and its organisation, places before the people as the immediate objective, the establishment of  people's democracy based on the coalition of all genuine anti-feudal, anti-monopoly  and anti-imperialist forces led by the working class on the basis of a  firm worker-peasant alliance. This demands first and foremost the replacement of the present bourgeoislandlord State by  a State  of people's democracy. This alone  can complete the unfinished democratic task of the Indian revolution and pave the way for putting the  country on the road  to socialism. The tasks and programme which the  peoples' democratic government will carry out are: 6. 3 In the sphere  of State structure: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) works for the preservation  and promotion of the unity of the Indian Union on the basis of real equality and autonomy for the different nationalities that inhabit  the country and to develop a federal democratic State structure as outlined below: i) The people are sovereign. All  organs of State power shall  be answerable to the people. The supreme authority in exercising State power shall be the people's  representatives elected on the basis of adult franchise and the principle of  proportional representation and subject to recall. At the all-India Centre, there shall be two Houses -- House of the Peoples and House of the States. Adequate representation to women will  be ensured. ii) All states in the Indian Union shall have real autonomy and equal powers. The tribal areas or the areas where population is specific in ethnic composition and is distinguished by specific social  and cultural conditions  will have regional autonomy within the state concerned and shall receive full assistance for their development. iii) There shall not be upper Houses at  the states level. Nor shall there be Governors for the States appointed from above. All administrative services shall be under the direct control of the respective States or local authorities. States shall treat  all Indian citizens alike, and there shall not be any discrimination on the ground of caste, sex, religion, community  and nationality. iv) Equality of all national languages in parliament and Central Administration shall be recognised. Members of Parliament will have the right to speak in their own national language and simultaneous translation will have to be provided  in all other languages. All Acts, government orders  and resolutions  shall be made available in all national languages.  The use  of Hindi as the sole official language  to the exclusion of all other languages shall not be made obligatory. It is only by providing equality  to the various languages that it can be made acceptable as the language of communication throughout  the country. Till then, the present arrangement of  the use of Hindi and English will continue. The right of the people to receive instruction in their mother tongue in educational  institutions  upto the  highest level shall be ensured. The use of the language of the particular linguistic state as the language of administration in all its public and State institutions shall also be ensured.  Provision for the use of the language of the minority or, minorities or,  of  a region where necessary  in addition to the language of the state shall be made. The Urdu language and its script shall be protected. v) The people's democratic government will take measures to consolidate the unity of India by  fostering and promoting mutual cooperation between the constituent states and between the peoples of different states in the economic,  political and cultural spheres. The diversity of nationalities, languages and cultures will be  respected and policies adopted to strengthen unity in diversity. It will pay special attention and render financial and  other assistance to economically backward and weaker states, regions  and areas with a view to helping them rapidly overcome their backwardness. vi) The peoples' democratic State, in  the field of local administration, shall ensure a wide network of local bodies from village upward directly elected by the people and vested with  adequate power and responsibilities and provided with adequate finances. All efforts shall be made to involve the people in  the  active functioning of the local bodies. vii) The people's democratic State shall strive to infuse  in all our social and political institutions the spirit  of democracy. It extends democratic forms of initiative and control over every aspect of national life. A key role in this will be played by the political parties, trade unions, peasant and agricultural workers' associations, and other class and mass organisations of the working people.  The government will take steps to make the legislative and executive machinery of the country continuously responsive to the democratic wishes of the people, and will ensure  that the masses and their organisations are drawn into active participation in the administration and work of the State. It will work for the elimination  of  bureaucratic practices in the State and administration.

viii) The people's democratic State  will unearth black money; eradicate corruption, punish economic crimes  and corrupt practices by public servants. ix) Democratic changes will be  introduced  in the matter of administering justice. Prompt and fair justice shall be ensured. Free legal aid and consultation will be  provided for the needy people in order to make legal redress  easily available to such persons. x) The people's democratic government will infuse the members of the armed forces with the spirit  of patriotism, democracy and service to the people. It will provide them good  living standards, conditions of service, cultural facilities and education for their children. It will encourage all able-bodied persons to  undergo military training and be imbued  with the spirit of national independence  and its defence. xi) Full civil liberties shall be guaranteed. Inviolability of persons and domicile and no detention of persons without trial, unhampered freedom of conscience, religious belief and worship, speech, press, assembly, strike, the right to form political parties and associations, freedom of movement and occupation, right to dissent shall  be ensured. xii) Right to work as a fundamental right of every citizen shall be guaranteed; equal rights of all citizens and equal pay for equal work irrespective of religion, caste, sex,  race  and nationality shall be ensured. Wide disparities in salaries and incomes will be  reduced step by step. xiii) Abolition of social oppression of one caste by another and untouchability and all forms of social  discrimination shall be punished by law. Special facilities for scheduled castes, tribes, and other backward classes shall be provided  in the matter of service and other educational amenities. xiv) Removal of social inequalities and discrimination against women, equal rights with men in such matters as inheritance of property including land, enforcement of protective social, economic and family laws based on equal rights of women in all communities, admission to professions and services will be ensured. Suitable support systems in childcare and domestic work will be part of the thrust to democratise family structures.

xv) The secular character of the State shall be guaranteed. Interference by religious institutions, in the affairs of the State and political life of the country shall be prohibited. Religious minorities shall be given protection and any discrimination against them will be forbidden. xvi) Public educational system  shall be developed to provide comprehensive and scientific education at all levels. Free and compulsory education upto  the secondary stage and the secular character of education shall be  guaranteed. Higher education and vocational education will be modernised and updated. Development of science and technology will  be promoted through a whole range of R&D institutions. A comprehensive  sports policy to foster sports activities shall be adopted. xvii) A wide network of health, medical and maternity services shall be established free of cost; nurseries and creches for children; resthomes and recreation centres for working people and old-age pension shall be guaranteed. The People's Democratic Government will promote a non-coercive population  policy to create awareness for family planning among both men and women. xviii) Comprehensive steps will be  taken to protect the environment. Development programmes will take  into account the  necessity to sustain the ecological balance.  The country's bio-diversity and biological resources will be protected from imperialist exploitation. xix) The right of disabled persons to lead lives as full citizens, integrated in society shall be ensured. The right to a dignified life  for elderly persons shall be taken serious  care  of  by  the  State.  On  the whole, the social  rights, considered  as fundamental rights, constitute a basic principle of People's Democracy. xx) The people's democratic State and government will foster the creative talents of our people  for developing a new progressive people's culture which is democratic  and secular in outlook. It  shall take necessary measures to nurture  and develop literature, art and culture to  enrich the material and cultural life of the people. It will help people get rid of caste, gender  bias  and communal prejudices  and ideas of subservience and superstition. It will promote a scientific outlook and help each linguistic-nationality including the  tribal people to develop their distinct language,  culture and way of life in harmony with the  common aspirations of the  democratic peoples of the country as a whole. It will also imbue  the people with feelings of fraternity with peoples of other countries and to discard ideas of racial  and national hatred. xxi) The media will be developed  with emphasis  on a public broadcasting system for the electronic media. Concentration of media assets in private hands and foreign  ownership of Indian media assets will not be allowed. Democratic  control and accountability will be ensured. 6.4 In the field of Agriculture and the Peasantry India has an agriculture-based economy with over 70 percent of the people living in the rural areas. Hence, development of agriculture and raising the living standards of the peasantry is the key to the comprehensive development of the economy. To achieve this objective, the People's Democratic government will: 1. Abolish landlordism by implementing radical land reforms and give land free  of cost  to  the agricultural labourers and poor peasants. 2. Cancel debts of poor peasants, agricultural workers and small artisans to moneylenders and landlords.  3. Develop a State-led marketing system to protect the peasantry from big traders and MNCs and sharp fluctuation in prices. Ensure long term and cheap credit for the peasants, artisans and agricultural workers  and fair prices  for agricultural produce. 4. Maximise irrigation and power facilities and their proper and equitable  utilisation; promote indigenous research and development in  the agricultural  sector; assist the peasants to improve methods of farming by the use of better seeds and modern technology for increasing productivity. 5. Ensure adequate wages, social security measures and living  conditions for agricultural workers. 6. Promote cooperatives of peasants  and artisans on a voluntary basis for farming and other services. 7. A  comprehensive public  distribution system to supply foodgrains and  other essential commodities cheaply to the people shall be introduced. 6.5 India is a huge country with different  levels of economic development and varying social, economic patterns. Hence the rapid growth of productive forces  necessary for the development of the economy and the steady improvement  of the people's living conditions will require that the people's democratic government play a decisive role through public ownership in  the key sectors of the economy and the State performing a regulatory and guiding role in other sectors. The people's democratic economy will  be a multi-structural one with various forms of ownership, with the  public sector having a dominating position. In  view of the big changes in the world economy, the country will firmly strive to  strengthen  its self-reliant basis while making use of advanced technology from abroad. 6.6 In the field of Industry and Labour: Our industry suffers not  only from the low purchasing power of  the peasantry but also from the stranglehold of monopoly houses  and the increasing penetration of foreign capital and the various forms  of domination by the imperialist agencies in almost all spheres of production. Concentration of assets  in the hands of monopoly concerns distorts economic development and breeds wide-scale disparities. Dependence on foreign capital and the dictates of international finance capital facilitates exploitation and a distorted form of development which will not meet the  needs of the people. In the field of industry, therefore, the people's democratic government will: 1. Take steps to eliminate Indian and foreign monopolies in different sectors of industry, finance, trade and services through suitable measures including State take-over  of their assets. 2. Strengthen public sector industries through  modernisation, democratisation, freeing from bureaucratic controls  and corruption, fixing strict accountability, ensuring workers participation in management and making it competitive so that it  can occupy commanding position in the economy. 3. Allow foreign direct  investment in selected sectors for acquiring advanced technology and  upgrading productive capacities. Regulate finance capital flows in the interests of the overall economy. 4. Assist the small and medium industries by providing them credit, raw materials at reasonable prices  and by helping them  in regard to marketing facilities. 5. Regulate and co-ordinate various sectors of the economy and the market in order to  achieve balanced and planned economic development of the country. Regulate foreign trade. 6. Improve radically the living standards  of workers by: a) fixing a living wage, b) progressive reduction of working hours; c) social insurance against every kind of disability and unemployment; d) provision of housing for workers; e) recognition  of trade unions by  secret  ballot and their rights of collective bargaining as well as right to strike; and f) abolition of child labour. 7. Provide maximum relief from taxation to workers,  peasants and artisans; introduce graded tax in agriculture, industry and trade;  and effectively implement a price policy in the interest of the common people. 6.7 In the sphere of foreign policy:  In order to  ensure that India plays its rightful role in the preservation  of world peace, against imperialist hegemony and democratisation of international relations, the people's democratic government will: 1. Develop relations with all countries on the basis of friendship and cooperation. Strengthen the  solidarity and ties between all developing countries in Asia,  Africa and Latin America. Promote South-South cooperation and revitalise the non-aligned movement to counter the domination  of the imperialist countries. 2. Develop friendly relations and cooperation with the socialist  countries and all peace-loving States; support to all struggles against imperialism, for democracy and socialism. 3. Work for eradicating the threat of nuclear war; work for universal nuclear disarmament; elimination of all types of weapons of mass destruction -- nuclear, chemical  and biological-- and prohibition of their testing and manufacture; demand the  abolition of all foreign military bases; promote international cooperation for the preservation of the environment and protection of  the ecological balance. 4. Make special and concerted efforts to peacefully settle existing differences and disputes and strengthen friendly  relations with India's neighbours -- Pakistan, China, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Burma. Promote South Asian cooperation. VII Building the People's Democratic Front 7.1 For the complete and thoroughgoing fulfillment of the basic tasks of the Indian revolution,  in the present stage it is absolutely essential to replace the present bourgeois-landlord State headed by the big bourgeoisie by a State of people's  democracy led  by the working class. 7.2 The nature of our revolution  in the present stage of its development is essentially anti-feudal,  anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly and democratic. The stage of our revolution also  determines the role of the different classes in the struggle to achieve it. In the present era, the proletariat will have to lead  the democratic revolution as a necessary step in its forward march to  the achievement of socialism. It is not the old type of bourgeois democratic revolution, but a new type of people's democratic revolution  organised and led by the working class.

7.3 The first and foremost task of the people's democratic revolution is to carry out radical agrarian reform  in the interests of  the peasantry so as to sweep away all the remnants of  feudal and semi-feudal fetters on our productive forces of  agriculture as well as industries. This will have to be supplemented by sweeping measures of reforming the social system through which such  remnants  of pre-capitalist society as  the caste and other social systems keep the villages tied to age-old backwardness. This task is inextricably bound up with  the completion of the agrarian revolution which, in  fact, is the axis of the people's democratic revolution. The second urgent task is to free the economic, political and social life of our people  from the disastrous influence of imperialism and domination by the MNCs and various agencies  of international monopoly capital. With  this is also related the  task of breaking the power of monopoly capital. 7.4 However, these basic and fundamental tasks of the revolution in today’s context cannot be carried out  except in determined opposition to, and struggle  against,  the big bourgeoisie and its political representatives who occupy the leading position in the State. They are allied with landlordism in  order to buttress their class domination. They are also utilising their State power to  protect foreign monopoly capital and facilitate its further penetration. Further, with their policies of compromise and collaboration with  foreign monopolists and alliance with big Indian landlordism,  they are vigorously  pursuing the path of capitalist development which in turn is immensely facilitating the growth of  monopoly capital in  our country. Hence the people’s democratic revolution is not only  in irreconcilable opposition to landlordism and foreign monopoly capitalism, but together with them  it is opposed to the big bourgeoisie  which is leading the State and is pursuing the policies of compromise  and collaboration with foreign finance capital and alliance with landlordism. 7.5 The people's democratic front  cannot successfully be  built and the revolution cannot attain victory except under the leadership of the working class and its political party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Historically no other class in modern society except the working class is destined to play this  role and the entire experience of our time amply demonstrates this truth. 7.6 The core and basis of the people's democratic front is the firm alliance of the working class and the peasantry. This alliance is the most important force in defending  national independence, accomplishing far-reaching democratic transformations and ensuring all round social progress. The role  of  the other classes  in  carrying  out the revolution crucially depends on  the strength and stability of the worker-peasant alliance. 7.7 Due to the deep inroads  of capitalism in agriculture, there is clear differentiation among the peasantry and different sections play different roles in the revolution. The  agricultural labourers and poor peasants who constitute  the overwhelming majority of the rural households are subjected to  ruthless  exploitation by the  landlords and capitalists and will be basic  allies of the working class. The middle peasantry, too, are the victims of the  depredations of usurious capital, of feudal and capitalist landlords in the countryside  and of the capitalist market controlled by MNCs  and big bourgeoisie. Landlord domination  in rural life so affects their social position in innumerable ways as to  make them reliable allies  in the people's democratic front. 7.8 The rich peasantry is an influential section of the peasantry. The bourgeois-landlord agrarian policies have undoubtedly benefited certain sections of them and they  also gained under the rule of the post-independence  regimes.  They are  inclined  to join the capitalistlandlord class by virtue of their engaging agricultural labourers on hire for work in their farms. But, attacked by constant price fluctuations and subjected to ravages of the market under  the grip  of monopoly traders and MNCs  they come up  against the bourgeois-landlord government. At certain junctures, they can also be brought into  the people's democratic front and play  a role in the people's democratic revolution despite their vacillating character. 7.9 Both the urban and rural middle  class suffers heavily under the capitalist-landlord rule. The large number of white-collar employees, teachers, professionals, engineers, doctors and new strata of intelligentsia constitute a significant and influential section. With the further development of capitalism and the policies of liberalisation, differentiation within the middle classes has deepened. An upper strata has benefitted and they do not share the outlook of the rest of the middle classes. However, the bulk of  this section is  plagued by ever rising prices of all necessities of life, the impact of mounting taxes imposed by the State, the acute problem of unemployment and lack of basic living facilities. These sections can and will be an ally in the people's democratic front and every attempt should be made to win them for the revolution. The role of  the progressive intelligentsia in mobilising this strata for democratic causes is an important one. 7.10 The Indian bourgeoisie as a class, has its conflicts and contradictions with imperialism and also with the feudal and semi

feudal agrarian order. But the bigger and monopoly section, after attainment of independence  seeks to utilise its hold over the State power to resolve these conflicts and contradictions by compromise, pressure and bargain. In that process it is sharing power with landlords. It is anti-people and anti-Communist in character and is firmly opposed to the people’s democratic front and its  revolutionary objectives. 7.11 The non-big bourgeoisie which  is  non-monopolistic faces unequal competition from the big bourgeoisie  and the foreign multinationals in a number  of ways. With the  crisis  of capitalism and unhindered entry of MNCs, the contradiction between them and foreign capital will intensify.  The big bourgeoisie using its economic power and leading position in  the State, attempts to solve its crisis at the expense of its weaker class brethren; these strata of bourgeoisie will be compelled to come into opposition with the State power and can find a place in the people's democratic front. But it should be borne in mind  that they are still sharing power  alongwith the big bourgeoisie and entertain high hopes of advancing  further under  the  same regime. Notwithstanding its objectively progressive role, by virtue of its weaker class position vis-à-vis the Indian  big bourgeoisie and imperialism, it  is  unstable and exhibits vacillations between the big  bourgeoisie and foreign capital on the one hand and the people's democratic front on the other. Owing to its dual nature, its participation in  the revolution even  as  an unstable ally depends on a  number of concrete conditions, on changes in the correlation of class forces, on the sharpness of the contradiction between imperialism, landlordism and the  people on the depth of  the contradictions between the big bourgeois-led State and the remaining sections of the bourgeoisie. 7.12 Every effort must be made to  win them to the democratic front by a diligent and concrete study  of their problems. No opportunity should be lost by the working class  to render them support in all their struggles against both the Indian  monopolists and foreign imperialist competitors. 7.13 The working class and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), while not for a moment losing sight  of their basic aim of building the people's democratic front to achieve people's democratic revolution and the fact that they have to inevitably come into clash with the present Indian State led by the big bourgeoisie, do take cognisance of the contradictions and conflicts that exist between the Indian bourgeoisie including the big bourgeoisie and imperialism. Opening up the Indian economy to the unbridled and free entry of MNCs  and foreign finance capital will intensify this contradiction. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), while carefully studying this phenomenon, shall strive to utilise every such  difference, fissure, conflict and contradiction to isolate the imperialists and strengthen the people's struggle for democratic advance. The  working class will not hesitate to lend its unstinted support to the government on all issues of  world peace and anti-imperialism which are  in the genuine interests of the nation, on  all economic and political  issues of conflict with imperialism, and on all issues which involve  questions of strengthening our sovereignty and independent foreign policy. 7.14 Reactionary and counter-revolutionary trends have  existed even after independence. They make use  of the backwardness of the people based on the immense influence of feudal ideology. In recent decades, making use of the growing discontent against the Congress leading to its steady decline, they are making  serious efforts to fill the void left by the Congress Party. The Bharatiya Janata Party is a reactionary party with a divisive and communal  platform, the reactionary content of which is based on hatred against other religions, intolerance and ultra-nationalist chauvinism.  The BJP is no ordinary bourgeois party as the fascistic Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh guides and dominates it. When  the  BJP  is  in  power,  the  RSS  gets  access  to  the  instruments  of State power and the State machinery.  The Hindutva ideology promotes revivalism and rejects the composite culture of India with the objective of establishing  a Hindu rashtra.  The spread of such a communal outlook leads to the growth of minority fundamentalism. This  has serious consequences for the secular basis of the polity and poses a serious danger to the Left  and democratic movement. Besides, a substantial section of big business  and landlords, imperialism headed by the USA, is lending all-out  support to the BJP. 7.15 Basing itself on all these factors,  the Communist Party of India (Marxist) keeps before itself the task  of uniting with all the patriotic forces of the nation, i.e., those who are interested  in sweeping away all the remnants of  pre-capitalist society; in carrying out the agrarian revolution in a thorough  manner and in the interests of the peasantry; in opposing unfettered entry of foreign capital; and in removing all obstacles in the path of a radical  reconstruction of India's economy, social life and culture. 7.16 The struggle to realise the aims of the people's democratic revolution through the revolutionary unity of all patriotic and democratic forces with the worker-peasant alliance as its core, is a complicated and protracted one. It is to  be waged in varying conditions

in varying phases. Different classes,  different strata within the same class, are bound to take different positions in these distinct phases of the development of the revolutionary movement. Only a strong Communist Party which develops  the mass movements and utilises appropriate united front tactics to  achieve the strategic objective can make use of these shifts and draw into its ranks these sections. Only such a party bringing within its  fold the most sincere and selfsacrificing revolutionaries would be able  to lead the mass of the people through the various twists  and turns that are bound to take place in the course of the revolutionary movement. 7.17 The Party will obviously have to  work out various interim slogans in order to meet the requirements  of a rapidly changing political situation. Even while keeping before  the people the task of dislodging the present ruling classes and establishing a new democratic State and government based on the firm alliance of the working class and the peasantry, the Party will utilise  the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into  existence governments pledged to  carry out a programme of providing relief to  the people and strive to project and implement alternative policies within the existing limitations. The formation of such governments will strengthen the revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help  the process of building the people's democratic front.  It, however, would not solve the economic and political problems of  the nation in any fundamental manner. The Party, therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the need for replacing the present bourgeois-landlord State and government headed by  the big  bourgeoisie even while utilising opportunities for forming such governments in the states or the Centre, depending on the concrete situation, and thus strengthen the mass movement. 7.18 The Communist Party of India  (Marxist) strives to achieve the establishment of people's  democracy and socialist transformation through peaceful means. By developing a powerful mass revolutionary movement, by combining parliamentary and extra parliamentary forms of struggle, the working class and  its allies will try their utmost to overcome the resistance of the forces of reaction and to bring about these transformations through peaceful means. However, it needs always  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the ruling classes never relinquish their power voluntarily. They seek to  defy the will of the people and seek to reverse it  by lawlessness and violence. It is, therefore, necessary for the revolutionary forces  to be vigilant and so orient their work that they can face up to all contingencies, to any twist and turn in the political life of the country.

Building of the Communist Party 8.1 The Communist Party of India (Marxist) places its revolutionary programme before the people of India  to establish people’s democracy. A people’s democratic revolution will open the way for the advance to socialism and an exploitation free society. Such  a revolution to emancipate the Indian people has to be led by the working class in alliance with the peasantry. In order to achieve this goal, the Communist Party as the vanguard of the working class has to lead militant struggles against imperialism, monopoly capitalism and landlordism. By concretely applying  the principles of Marxism-Leninism to the conditions prevailing in our  country, the Party has to conduct prolonged struggles on all fronts  – political,  ideological, economic, social and cultural – till victory is attained. 8.2  It  is  an  imperative  task  of  the Communists to intensify the ideological struggle in the wake  of the vigorous anti-Communist campaign conducted by imperialism  headed by the United States of America following the setbacks to  socialism. The Communists expose and fight  anti-Communism which constitutes  a principal ideological weapon of the ruling classes. The Communists wage a consistent struggle against feudal and bourgeois ideologies to free the people from their influences and heighten  their political consciousness; to counter the propaganda of  the protagonists of the imperialist-driven globalisation, liberalisation and free market economy. 8.3 Religious fundamentalism, obscurantism, communalism and casteism divide the  people and retard their democratic consciousness. Along with  bourgeois nationalism and  chauvinism  they are exploited by the reactionary forces who are abetted by imperialism to disrupt  the growth of the democratic movement. The Communists  must wage a determined  struggle  against these divisive ideas and forces. 8.4 It is essential to build a mass revolutionary party to wage the struggle on all fronts and to direct the revolutionary movement. Such a Party must constantly expand its  base among the people by developing the mass movements and commensurately consolidate its influence politically and ideologically.  This requires a strong, disciplined Party based on democratic centralism. To discharge its historic

responsibility towards the working class and all sections of the working people, the Party must constantly educate and reeducate itself, renew its ideological-theoretical level and build up its organisational strength. 8.5 The establishment of a people’s  democratic government,  the successful carrying out of these  tasks and the leadership of the working class in the people’s democratic State will ensure that the Indian revolution will not stop at  the democratic stage  but will pass over to the stage of effecting socialist transformation by developing the productive forces. 8.6 The Communist Party of India  (Marxist) places this Programme before the people and sets forth the principal urgent tasks of the day in order that our people have a clear picture of the objective they are fighting for a democratic national  advance. Our Party calls upon the working people, the working class,  the peasantry, women, students, youth, the intelligentsia and the middle classes interested in a truly democratic development and in creating a prosperous life to unite in a people's democratic front for the  fulfillment of these tasks and for attainment of the objective. 8.7 The Communist Party of India (Marxist) carries  forward the fighting traditions of our people and  all that is fine and valuable in our culture and civilisation. The CPI(M) combines patriotism with proletarian internationalism. In all its activities and struggles, the Party is guided by the scientific philosophy and principles  of MarxismLeninism which alone  shows the correct  way to complete emancipation. The  Party unites in  its ranks the most advanced, the most active and most selfless sons and  daughters of the working people and ceaselessly strives to develop them as staunch MarxistLeninists and proletarian internationalists. The  Party devotes all its energies and resources to  the task of uniting all patriotic and democratic forces  in the struggle for a democratic course  of development -- to the great task  of building a mighty people's democratic front for the realisation of the Programme. 8.8 Imperialism, headed by the USA,  is striving for world  domination. India's economy, political system  and even sovereignty are under threat. In such a situation, it becomes the major task of the working class and its Party to unite all anti-imperialist and progressive forces to squarely and boldly meet this offensive. We can discharge our revolutionary responsibility  only by upholding proletarian internationalism, by forging the unity of purpose and action between the Communist forces around the  world and drawing proper lessons

from the experiences of the Communist  movement in  leading revolutionary struggles, in building socialism and analysing the reasons for the reverses suffered by  socialism. The CPI(M) pledges to continue  the fight against right  revisionist and Left  sectarian deviations. It shall carry forward  the task of mobilising the Indian people in struggles  to change the correlation of class forces to  build the people's democratic front. 8.9 The Communist Party of India (Marxist) is confident that the people of our country, led by the working class and its revolutionary vanguard, guided by the teachings  of Marxism-Leninism, will achieve this Programme. Our Party is confident that our great country, India, too will emerge as a victorious people's democracy and advance on the road to socialism. 

* Adopted At the Seventh Congress  of the Communist Party of India held at Calcutta, October 31 to  November 7, 1964 * Updated at the Special Conference of the Communist  Party of India (Marxist) held at Thiruvananthapuram, October 20-23, 2000. 41